doreancon 2026 · Opening remarks, Wednesday, September 30
Addressing Evasions
As the Anglican divine Jeremy Taylor observed, “Most men choose the sin, if it be once disputable whether it be a sin or no.”1Taylor, “The Flesh and the Spirit,” fol. 136. Yet the sale of theological instruction now turns over enormous sums. Between Christian books and seminaries alone, theological education is a multibillion-dollar industry.2On religious-book sales, see Milliot, “Publishing Industry Sales”; on seminary revenues, Association of Theological Schools, 2025–2026 Annual Data Tables, Table 4.6. It remains, then, to apply the framework developed in the preceding chapters to this primary sort of commerce in spiritual things that exists today.
Attempts to apply the doctrine of simony afresh have a tendency to stir up more than a little resistance. Peter Damian reported that when the eleventh-century monk Romuald introduced this doctrine to those who had been ordained for money, they plotted to kill him because up until that time scarcely anyone in those parts knew it was a sin.3Peter Damian, Vita beati Romualdi, cap. 35 (PL 144:986C–D). In 1494, a Carmelite friar was found murdered in his bed with twenty wounds after preaching against simony.4The friar was Adam of Genoa, who had preached at Rome against the simony of Alexander VI. Malipiero, Annali veneti, 318; cf. Burckhardt, Civilisation of the Renaissance, 155. Jan Hus was burned at the stake on a number of charges, but in his own assessment as well as in popular opinion, it was primarily for his preaching against accepted practices that he identified as simony.5“Everywhere there are enemies in plenty, both Czech and German, who seek my death: […] For it touches both the pope and the cardinals when one preaches against pride, against avarice, and especially against simony.” Hus, Postilla, 114.G; cf. Spinka, John Hus and the Czech Reform, 38–40n62. See also Spinka, John Hus: A Biography, 87. Maurice of Prague warned the Council of Constance that “the common opinion of the people, although false and heretical, cries out that Jan Hus was sentenced by the council as though it had judged him as severely as the Savior judged the simoniacs, against whom he, though condemned, had preached most vehemently.” Maurice of Prague, Consilium de Ecclesiastico Statu, 870.
It may seem melodramatic to recount these events as though we do not live in a time of bountiful brotherhood and exceptional liberty, but it would be naïve to suppose that a modern application of the doctrine of simony would be met with universal gratitude. Faithful theology is not measured by its reception; truth remains truth whether it is welcomed or resented. Magna est veritas et praevalet—truth is great and prevails.
Insufficient Motivations§
Since simony resides fundamentally in the will, it would seem to follow that one may be able to excuse a simoniacal transaction so long as the underlying motivation is innocent. Medieval theologians therefore found it necessary to counter a number of justifications in which one pointed to pure motivations that contained no malice. However, one need not have malicious intent for his desire to be simoniacal. An earnest desire to buy or sell spiritual things is simoniacal even if it forms out of ignorance or weakness.6See Oswald of Laskó, Rosarium, IV, s.v. Simonia, 1; cf. Richard of Middleton, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 2, q. 1, ad 1 (p. 383a). Objections to the contrary reduce to a plea of expedience, which the schoolmen and canonists rejected.
To Raise Sufficient Resources§
While many exchanges of spiritual things were for private gain, some had the purpose of maintaining a spiritual work. In particular, monasteries and collegiate churches often had limited resources, and the admission of new members placed real financial burdens on the community. Many therefore justified charging for entrance into the society, claiming that if financial impartiality in admissions were maintained, “all religious houses would perish, because so many would be placed there that their goods would not suffice; and this seems unfitting.”7Albert the Great, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 5, quaest., s.c. 1 (p. 92b). Such practices were common. In part, their extent may be gauged from Thomas of Strasbourg’s observation that “certain nuns of Germany” very explicitly demanded temporal goods from those who would enter their community.8Thomas of Strasbourg, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 1, a. 4, qc. 2 (fol. 150v). See also Groote, De simonia ad beguttas, 16–18; Lynch, Simoniacal Entry, 220–21. Wycliffe complained of a related practice among the friars, who for an annual fee sold laymen letters of confraternity, ostensibly promising them a share in the order’s spiritual suffrages. He argued that it went hand in hand with their preaching for money, both being simony.9Wycliffe, De apostasia, cap. 2 (36:22–30).
The canonists and schoolmen gave the same answer at this point: no community may exact a fee for entrance into religious life, but if funds are truly lacking, it may decline to receive those it cannot sustain.10For relevant canon law, see C. 1, q. 2; X 5.3.8; X 5.3.19; X 5.3.30. However, it may accept from an entrant, apart from any pact, the means of his own maintenance, and so admit a member its goods would not otherwise allow.11E.g., “When the possessions of some religious house do not suffice to sustain more persons, then something may be required of one who wishes to serve God in that place, not as a price of religion, but that the monastery may have the means to provide for him; and therefore simony is not committed. But if he can be received without burden to the church, it is simony to require anything for his reception.” Aquinas, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 3, a. 2, qc. 2, ad 7; cf. Aquinas, ST II‑II, q. 100, a. 3, ad 4; Thomas of Strasbourg, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 1, a. 4, qc. 2 (fol. 150v).
Theologians inquired how a house might non-coercively request such provision. In general, a house might state its needs plainly, but for anything not strictly needed, it may not ask at all.12E.g., Richard of Middleton, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 3, q. 2, ad 6 (p. 386b). Astesanus of Asti relayed from the canonists a set form of words that stayed within the rule: “We gladly and freely receive you into our spiritual fellowship; but since our goods do not suffice for us and for you, bring with you the means to live.”13Astesanus of Asti, Summa de casibus, VI, tit. 55, q. 4 (fol. 165r); cf. Major, In Sent. (red. A), d. 25, q. un. (fol. 148ra). In all of these accounts, necessity (necessitas) may warrant requiring money, but admission may not be given in return for payment under a contractual arrangement (pactum).14E.g., “To receive [someone] under an agreement [sub pacto], especially where the house has no need, is openly simony. To the argument it must be said that admission is not granted because of the payment; rather, necessity exacts it, for they would gladly receive him freely, and that need is why they consider money when conferring the place.” Albert the Great, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 5, ad quaest. (p. 94b).
While religious societies provided a common case study, the principle was not confined to them. An actual lack of financial capacity could justify withholding some spiritual benefit until the need was met, but a commercial exchange remained impermissible, however advantageous it might seem to the work being done. Wycliffe set the limit even on a minister’s own sustenance: “But first, ere men do simony, they should travail with their hands, or go to another people, or rather starve in their body.”15Wycliffe, Sermons, serm. 83 (1, p. 284).
To Practice Charity§
Another attempted justification of motive is to practice charity (almsgiving). That is, some considered it acceptable to sell spiritual things in order to give the proceeds to the poor. Gratian identified the error with this line of reasoning: it is objected that “sinister beginnings often reach happy outcomes”—Jacob reached the blessing by supplanting, a leprous hand sows a crop that is harvested clean, an adulterous union bears a beautiful child, “so too money that is acquired through simony has a happy outcome when it is distributed to benefit the poor.” “But none of these things,” he answered, “defends the simoniacs.”16C. 1, q. 1, d.p.c. 24, § 1. And in a canon drawn from Gregory, he laid down the rule: “Committing the sins of the simoniacal heresy under the pretext of almsgiving must be strictly avoided. For it is one thing to give alms on account of sins and quite another to commit sins on account of almsgiving.”17C. 1, q. 1, c. 27, § 2; cf. Gregory I, Ep. 9.218 (2, 207:24–27).
Puritan writers concurred. Burton recorded that people made similar objections in his own time, claiming to use for a charitable purpose money received for preferment.18“Another objection doth here cross my way on the patron’s behalf, Sir, you need not be so rigid against giving and receiving for a spiritual preferment: for, for my part, I have a good intent to convert such money to some charitable use, as to bestow it in alms, etc.” Burton, A Censure of Simonie, 65. To answer this objection, he appealed to Gratian, as cited above,19Ibid., 65–66. and further described such charity as no different from the purchase of the field of blood with Judas’s blood money.20“Like the high priests’ charity, who with Judas treason-money, by some called simony, bought, forsooth, a field to bury strangers in. But for all this charitable work, by divine ordination (as Lyra saith) the field got such a name, as could never be washed off. For it is called, the field of blood to this day. Matt. 27:8Matthew 27:8Therefore that field was called the field of blood to this day..” Ibid., 66. John Downame was no less severe, describing those who give alms out of money gotten by simony as “much more abominable” than those who give out of money gotten by oppression.21“But much more abominable are their alms, who spoil the Church by simony and sacrilege, and taking into their possession the portion of Levi, which is consecrated unto God, think to please the Lord, and as it were, satisfy for their sin, by giving some small alms to the poor, or keeping good hospitality of the spoils of the Church. And that not only for the time past, but with a resolution to continue still in their sin, paying these pittances to the poor, as the price or penalty of their sacrilegious wickedness: but unto these may be well fitted the saying of the Holy Ghost. Prov. 21:27Proverbs 21:27The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination; how much more, when he brings it with a wicked mind!. The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination: How much more when he bringeth it with a wicked mind?” Downame, The Plea of the Poore, 67. Just as the Deuteronomic code forbade the wages of a harlot to be offered to the Lord (Deut. 23:18Deuteronomy 23:18You shall not bring the wages of a prostitute, or the wages of a dog, into the house of Jehovah your God for any vow; for even both these are an abomination to Jehovah your God.), so the ill-gotten gain of simony may not be offered.22“If the hire of an harlot, or price of a dog, might not be consecrated unto God, because they were an abomination unto him, then neither may we offer that which we have gotten by stealth and robbery […] Whereby it appeareth that men cannot lawfully give alms out of those goods which they have gotten by theft and rapine, bribery and extortion, simony and usury, dicing and unlawful gaming.” Ibid., 64–65.
To Encourage Charity§
A less common but related justification is that of encouraging charity. Unlike the justification just considered, which gives simoniacal proceeds away as alms, this argument holds that the sale of spiritual things encourages good works, since it induces the purchaser to give.
Albert the Great considered an argument defending charges for entry to a religious society: “Further, it is not evil to induce men to give alms; therefore if they induce [them] to bestow an alms by receiving a man whom they otherwise would not receive, it is not evil; therefore it is not simony.”23Albert the Great, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 5, quaest., s.c. 2 (p. 92b). Albert did not answer this argument directly, but effectively dismissed it on the ground that reception under an agreement is simony whatever end the payment serves. A house may count the devotion a man’s generosity shows toward it among his qualifications for entry, but his reception on account of his gift may never take place by way of agreement.24Ibid., IV, d. 25, a. 5, ad quaest. (p. 94b); Aquinas, ST II‑II, q. 100, a. 3, ad 4.
The objection therefore fails on its own terms: a payment made in exchange for some spiritual benefit is not charity but commerce. True almsgiving should be motivated by good will, but an exchange by agreement corrupts the nature of good works by attaching a contractual reward. On this point, one canon reasoned, “For we have never read that the Lord’s disciples, or those converted by their ministry, enticed anyone to the worship of God by holding out any gift.”25C. 1, q. 2, c. 2. Generosity may and should be motivated by divine reward (Prov. 19:17Proverbs 19:17He who has pity on the poor lends to Jehovah, and his good deed will he pay him again.; Heb. 11:6Hebrews 11:6And without faith it is impossible to please [God], for he who comes to God must believe that he is, and [that] he is a rewarder of those who seek him.), but that reward comes at a time of God’s choosing and apart from any human contract (Matt. 6:3–4Matthew 6:3–43But when you do alms, do not let your left hand know what your right hand does:4that your alms may be in secret, and your Father who sees in secret will repay you.).
Simony in the sale of indulgences and prayers provides a clear example of how such purchases are contrary to charity. The one who purchases an indulgence under the pretense of almsgiving offers no real sacrifice since he seeks to secure a benefit from man. While many of the schoolmen did not see inconsistency in defending these practices,26For indulgences, see Bonaventure, In Sent. IV, d. 20, pars 2, a. un., q. 4, ad 1 (pp. 536–37); for prayers, see Aquinas, ST II‑II, q. 100, a. 3, ad 2. Protestants and proto-Reformers highlighted the hypocrisy. As Peter Martyr Vermigli remarked of the religion of Rome, “With their indulgences they corrupt good works: for they take away from alms their proper end, the glory of God. They say they are given so that punishments may be taken away.”27Vermigli, Loci Communes, 3.8.37 (p. 612).
To Uphold Custom§
Another attempted justification was custom (consuetudo), which in canon law can carry legal force. One may reason that a longstanding practice cannot be simoniacal, for if it were, it would have been corrected long ago. Furthermore, to uphold the customs of the church would appear to be a worthy objective that warrants participation in the transactions they require. The Liber extra rejected this notion in many chapters,28X 5.3.8; X 5.3.9; X 5.3.16; X 5.3.19; X 5.3.21; X 5.3.36; X 5.3.39. John Major likewise addressed this issue at length, Major, In Sent. (red. B), d. 25, q. 4 (foll. 186ra–187rb). which we will now consider.
The Council of Tours (1163) explained the basic principle: “The passage of time does not diminish a sin, but aggravates it.”29Council of Tours (1163), can. 6 (Mansi 21:1178D); cf. X 5.3.8. The Third Lateran Council (1179) addressed those who invoked long-standing custom to justify charging fees to enthrone bishops and abbots, install priests, bury the dead, bless marriages, or confer other sacraments. It called them “blinded by greed” and warned that anyone who persisted would “have his portion with Gehazi.”30“Many think that this is permitted to them, because they consider that long-standing custom has given it the force of law, not sufficiently paying attention—since they are blinded by greed—to the fact that crimes are all the graver for how long they have held the unhappy soul bound. […] If anyone shall presume to act against this, let him know that he will have his portion with Gehazi, whose deed he imitates by exacting a shameful reward.” Third Lateran Council (1179), can. 7 (Mansi 22:221E–222A); cf. X 5.3.9.
In a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Innocent III addressed an ingenious evasion. Certain of the archbishop’s suffragans had been exacting payment for chrism. Hoping to elude his correction, they did not cease but merely collected earlier in the year and renamed the payment: first “chrismals,” then “paschals,” and finally “mid-Lenten customs.” Innocent responded that a new name absolves no one of guilt. Such deception is to “cloak simony under an honest name,” but “God is not mocked.”31“Gaping after shameful gain and saying in their hearts, ‘There is no God,’ they cloak simony under an honest name, as though by changing the name the guilt and the penalty would be transferred. But God is not mocked, according to the apostle, nor will such followers of Simon—even if they perhaps evade temporal [punishment] in the present—escape eternal punishment in the future, since neither will the respectability of a name cloak the malice of the crime, nor will a word be able to abolish guilt.” Innocent III, Reg. 2.96 (208:4–9); cf. X 5.3.36.
The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) was especially direct. It identified the practice of defending simoniacal exactions by appeal to custom and gave the definitive rejoinder: “We utterly reject this custom, which ought rather to be called a corruption.”32“Some endeavor to defend this baseness and depravity by a custom long observed. Wishing therefore to abolish so great an abuse, we utterly reject this custom [consuetudinem], which ought rather to be called a corruption [corruptela], firmly decreeing that for these things—whether to be conferred or already conferred—no one presume under any pretext whatsoever to exact or extort anything. Otherwise both the one who receives and the one who gives such a wholly condemned price shall be condemned along with Gehazi and Simon.” Fourth Lateran Council (1215), can. 63 (Mansi 22:1051C); cf. X 5.3.39. While a custom may have the force of law, corruption cannot. This same council ordered that laypeople who, out of “the leaven of heretical depravity,” undermined pious customs of giving should be restrained.33Fourth Lateran Council (1215), can. 66 (Mansi 22:1054D–E); cf. X 5.3.42. Yet the same canon prohibited clerical exactions.
Present Danger§
Previous generations often regarded simony as one of the greatest dangers of their own day. To what degree do these concerns apply today among evangelicals? The recovery of a doctrine should end in proper use, and proper use requires an updated assessment of its present application. In some ways, we have provided that in the last two chapters, but points of inquiry remain.
First, we should consider the difficulties of discerning and acknowledging modern simony. Second, we should consider the gravity of simony and its cure.
The Difficulty of Discerning Modern Simony§
Modern simony is difficult to discern on account of both the subject who would discern the matter and the object in question. As regards the subject, we have lost important categories; as regards the object, the common offenses have shifted greatly from what they once were. In either case, a robust doctrine of simony is the remedy.
Missing Categories§
In the appendix to Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell described the formation of “Newspeak,” a version of English so pared of its vocabulary that it rendered sophisticated thought impossible. By this, the totalitarian regime that imposed the language became invincible. If one lacks the words to describe evil, he tends to struggle to even identify it. Orwell’s scenario was a fiction of his own making, but this phenomenon of language and cognition has been identified by scientists in empirical studies. For example, compared to a speaker whose language features a word for a particular shade of color, a speaker whose language features no such word is slower to distinguish that shade from its neighbors.34Winawer et al., “Russian Blues Reveal Effects”.
So it is with the doctrine of simony. Once its vocabulary is lost, the sale of spiritual things may go entirely undetected. Recovering the vocabulary of simony, as we have done here, is therefore a first task. The varieties of spiritual things (by essence and by cause) together with their annexes (by direction and by dependence) allow us to identify the spiritual side of the exchange. The Gregorian triad (the gift of the hand, the tongue, and service) identifies the temporal. And this is only the core vocabulary of the exchange itself. Beyond it lie the modes of exchange, and within these, the various modes of giving and receiving.
There is almost certainly room to recover and develop further vocabulary still. Yet given the breadth already covered, the greater part of the work that remains might be not expansion but refinement, sharpening of the categories already in hand. The sharper our vocabulary of simony grows, the better our ability to discern it becomes.
Shifting Offenses§
Former appearances of simony have largely receded from view. Commerce in ordinations, sacraments, indulgences, relics, and rights of patronage is rare. This is not to say that the old forms are extinct. They survive in some measure in Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy, and even among Protestant churches, fees for baptism services and the like are not unheard of. Regardless, the battles fought by former generations against the manifestations of simony in their own day were largely won.
Yet simony is protean.35“Among all the little foxes that ruin the vineyards, no little fox is more wicked or more cunning than simony. For, as a certain author [Horace] says, ‘By what knot do I hold Proteus as he changes his aspect?’ so we may say: by what knot shall we hold simony—that most cunning little fox, manifold in face, thousand-shaped in habit, and almost always unlike not only the other little foxes but even unlike itself, to such a degree that, while it ruins the vineyards of Christ, it is sometimes seen in the very guise of the vinedresser?” Gerhoch of Reichersberg, Liber de simoniacis, 268:27–38. We have observed how the advent of copyright has enabled the sale of biblical teaching itself in a way that was formerly impossible, and recent phenomena like the formalization of biblical counseling have created more opportunities for commerce in spiritual things.
As the pace of technology quickens, so does the transformation of simony. Digital media have opened new channels for monetizing doctrine, and the platforms that facilitate this introduce their own complexities. Advertisements and revenue sharing—sometimes not even optional—do not have the appearance of a direct sale, but involve their own sorts of exchanges. Our culture has multiplied the ways a spiritual thing may be annexed to a material thing, and with them the occasions for confusion. Some are plainly innocent. For thirty years, Alaska Airlines gave its passengers prayer cards printed with a verse of Scripture;36The tradition ended in 2012. no customer could reasonably understand his airfare as purchasing a presentation of the word of God. Other practices, such as theology cruises, require more consideration.
The changing nature of simony is nothing new. For example, in Protestant England the prevalent form of simony had shifted from the sale of orders to corruption in the collation and provision of benefices.37See Willis, Simony: In Two Parts, 21–22. A new era yielded a new manifestation of the sin, but established doctrine furnished the means to identify and proscribe it. Regarding this phenomenon, one nineteenth-century professor of civil law observed that if the ancients inveighed principally against simony of one description and the moderns against simony of another, this “arises not from any different view taken by the church as to the nature of the offence, but from the change of discipline which change of times and manners has rendered necessary.”38Joseph Phillimore, as quoted in Phillimore, The Ecclesiastical Law, 1103–4.
Proper definitions keep simony from passing unrecognized when its appearance changes. When these foundations erode, hard-won ground is easily surrendered. The house swept clean of one form of the offense may have seven more return in its place, so that the last state is worse than the first. A proper doctrine of simony resident in the church guards against that return.
The Difficulty of Acknowledging Modern Simony§
Regarding modern simony, the difficulty of acknowledgment at least rivals, if not exceeds, that of discernment. Competing authorities easily govern even those who regard themselves as unbiased judges. We might break these down into two primary categories: the authority of others and the authority of self-interest.
The Weight of an Implied Consensus§
Common practices among relatively elite ranks suggest to onlookers a studied consensus, and the propriety of these practices is often assumed on account of this implied authority. Customs form from a variety of factors and often go without being subjected to serious scrutiny. Such is the case with modern simony. Because the sale of spiritual teaching saturates the Christian landscape, it exerts a kind of hegemony. The participants in this commerce include not only false teachers and charlatans but men of unquestioned devotion, so challenges to the practice are often regarded as malicious attacks against the pillars of the church.
We might partition those affected by this phenomenon into three groups. First, there are those who practice or endorse the sale of spiritual teaching with obstinacy. Like the priests of Micah’s day, they presume upon the mercy of the Lord on account of the ubiquity of the practice (Mic. 3:11Micah 3:11The heads of it judge for reward, and its priests teach for a fee, and its prophets divine for money; yet they lean on Jehovah, and say, “Is not Jehovah in the midst of us? No evil will come on us.”). Second, some are uncertain on the issue, but withhold firm judgments against the sale of spiritual teaching on account of an apparent consensus to the contrary. Third, there are those who have concluded that the practice is contrary to God’s law yet hold their tongue for fear of opposing the masses.
In any of these cases, the doctrine of simony exposes the artificiality of this authority. First, the doctrine has already met this argument from authority and rejected it, for even those who respected Rome concluded that its highest bishop could not be presumed free of the sin. Second, technical terms and categories demand answers in a way that prevailing customs do not. Third, an ancient tradition reframes the whole notion of consensus, widening it from one generation of the faithful to many.
Conflicts of Interest§
The question is difficult to approach honestly when the answer is of significant personal consequence. As Upton Sinclair quipped, “It is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends upon his not understanding it!”39Sinclair, I, Candidate for Governor, 109. We do not suppose that all whose salaries so depend knowingly suppress the truth; interest of this kind works quietly upon the judgment, making the most convenient conclusions appear the most likely.
This interest governs one’s reading of Scripture. Those who promote the sale of spiritual things often employ 1 Corinthians 9:141 Corinthians 9:14Even so did the Lord ordain that those who proclaim the gospel should live of the gospel. in their defense. Paul established a minister’s right to financial support in the first fourteen verses, but this is only the initial premise of the apostle’s discourse. The weight of the argument falls on its remainder and Paul’s refusal to use that authority (1 Cor. 9:15, 181 Corinthians 9:15But I have used none of these things; and I do not write these things that it may be so done in my case, for [it were] good for me rather to die, than that any man should make my boasting void.). Those who appeal to the passage commonly stop where the premise ends. Contending against pew rents in the nineteenth century, James Begg observed the same selective quotation from his opponents, remarking that they “always halt in the middle of the apostle’s statement with an evident design.”40Begg, Seat Rents, 20.
Many are hesitant to identify the sin where it may interfere with their present activities or even require repentance for past ones. In the fourteenth century, the point was made directly by the popular Epistola Luciferi, a satire penned in the guise of “Lucifer prince of darkness,” addressed to the prelates of the church, thanking them for their faithful service to his kingdom.41The letter was composed around the turn of 1352 and has been attributed to a number of candidates. See Schabel, “Lucifer princeps tenebrarum,” 127–29. Therein, the devil observes that corrupt clergy cannot speak out against simony because she is their mother: “We commend to you our very dear daughters, Pride, Avarice, Fraud, Luxury, and the others, especially Lady Simony, who has made you and suckled you with her own breasts and nourished you. And you shall not call her simony or sin, because you own everything.”42Ibid., 132, translating the critical Latin at ibid., 171. An English version of the letter is printed among the Lollard writings annexed to the trial of Walter Brute in Foxe, Actes and Monuments, 5.503.
This interested blindness is not restricted to previous centuries. Today the idea that seminary tuition or royalties on a theology text might be illicit is rarely suggested, and where it is, established voices preclude it as an intolerable conclusion. Even apart from those with a financial stake in institutions that sell biblical teaching, nearly everyone within the church has benefited in some way from those institutions and has within them friends, mentors, or benefactors. Few are willing to indict those they love or those who have served them well.
So long as the sale of spiritual teaching is treated as a matter of practical judgment—of wisdom, proportion, or taste—this interest will find room to maneuver. Such judgments are endlessly negotiable. Principle gives the matter fixed bounds and demands a consistency that resists, at least in some measure, personal bias. A recovered doctrine of simony provides that principle and forces the issue.
Conclusion§
A recovered doctrine of simony aids in discerning the sin, giving us a vocabulary and principles by which to identify it however its appearance changes. That retrieval likewise aids in acknowledging the sin by mitigating the competing factors that would commend silence. Even in its modern forms, simony may be regarded as a practical heresy, counted among the chief sins and targeted with much of the rhetoric used by the saints of the past.
While such commitments and strategies may seem less than genteel, the difficulty may be navigated by a zeal that is according to knowledge. Right understanding both directs and generates right zeal, that same zeal by which Christ cleansed the temple of commerce in the days of his earthly ministry.
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Notes
- 1. Taylor, “The Flesh and the Spirit,” fol. 136.
- 2. On religious-book sales, see Milliot, “Publishing Industry Sales”; on seminary revenues, Association of Theological Schools, 2025–2026 Annual Data Tables, Table 4.6.
- 3. Peter Damian, Vita beati Romualdi, cap. 35 (PL 144:986C–D).
- 4. The friar was Adam of Genoa, who had preached at Rome against the simony of Alexander VI. Malipiero, Annali veneti, 318; cf. Burckhardt, Civilisation of the Renaissance, 155.
- 5. “Everywhere there are enemies in plenty, both Czech and German, who seek my death: […] For it touches both the pope and the cardinals when one preaches against pride, against avarice, and especially against simony.” Hus, Postilla, 114.G; cf. Spinka, John Hus and the Czech Reform, 38–40n62. See also Spinka, John Hus: A Biography, 87. Maurice of Prague warned the Council of Constance that “the common opinion of the people, although false and heretical, cries out that Jan Hus was sentenced by the council as though it had judged him as severely as the Savior judged the simoniacs, against whom he, though condemned, had preached most vehemently.” Maurice of Prague, Consilium de Ecclesiastico Statu, 870.
- 6. See Oswald of Laskó, Rosarium, IV, s.v. Simonia, 1; cf. Richard of Middleton, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 2, q. 1, ad 1 (p. 383a).
- 7. Albert the Great, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 5, quaest., s.c. 1 (p. 92b).
- 8. Thomas of Strasbourg, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 1, a. 4, qc. 2 (fol. 150v). See also Groote, De simonia ad beguttas, 16–18; Lynch, Simoniacal Entry, 220–21.
- 9. Wycliffe, De apostasia, cap. 2 (36:22–30).
- 10. For relevant canon law, see C. 1, q. 2; X 5.3.8; X 5.3.19; X 5.3.30.
- 11. E.g., “When the possessions of some religious house do not suffice to sustain more persons, then something may be required of one who wishes to serve God in that place, not as a price of religion, but that the monastery may have the means to provide for him; and therefore simony is not committed. But if he can be received without burden to the church, it is simony to require anything for his reception.” Aquinas, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 3, a. 2, qc. 2, ad 7; cf. Aquinas, ST II‑II, q. 100, a. 3, ad 4; Thomas of Strasbourg, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 1, a. 4, qc. 2 (fol. 150v).
- 12. E.g., Richard of Middleton, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 3, q. 2, ad 6 (p. 386b).
- 13. Astesanus of Asti, Summa de casibus, VI, tit. 55, q. 4 (fol. 165r); cf. Major, In Sent. (red. A), d. 25, q. un. (fol. 148ra).
- 14. E.g., “To receive [someone] under an agreement [sub pacto], especially where the house has no need, is openly simony. To the argument it must be said that admission is not granted because of the payment; rather, necessity exacts it, for they would gladly receive him freely, and that need is why they consider money when conferring the place.” Albert the Great, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 5, ad quaest. (p. 94b).
- 15. Wycliffe, Sermons, serm. 83 (1, p. 284).
- 16. C. 1, q. 1, d.p.c. 24, § 1.
- 17. C. 1, q. 1, c. 27, § 2; cf. Gregory I, Ep. 9.218 (2, 207:24–27).
- 18. “Another objection doth here cross my way on the patron’s behalf, Sir, you need not be so rigid against giving and receiving for a spiritual preferment: for, for my part, I have a good intent to convert such money to some charitable use, as to bestow it in alms, etc.” Burton, A Censure of Simonie, 65.
- 19. Ibid., 65–66.
- 20. “Like the high priests’ charity, who with Judas treason-money, by some called simony, bought, forsooth, a field to bury strangers in. But for all this charitable work, by divine ordination (as Lyra saith) the field got such a name, as could never be washed off. For it is called, the field of blood to this day. Matt. 27:8Matthew 27:8Therefore that field was called the field of blood to this day..” Ibid., 66.
- 21. “But much more abominable are their alms, who spoil the Church by simony and sacrilege, and taking into their possession the portion of Levi, which is consecrated unto God, think to please the Lord, and as it were, satisfy for their sin, by giving some small alms to the poor, or keeping good hospitality of the spoils of the Church. And that not only for the time past, but with a resolution to continue still in their sin, paying these pittances to the poor, as the price or penalty of their sacrilegious wickedness: but unto these may be well fitted the saying of the Holy Ghost. Prov. 21:27Proverbs 21:27The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination; how much more, when he brings it with a wicked mind!. The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination: How much more when he bringeth it with a wicked mind?” Downame, The Plea of the Poore, 67.
- 22. “If the hire of an harlot, or price of a dog, might not be consecrated unto God, because they were an abomination unto him, then neither may we offer that which we have gotten by stealth and robbery […] Whereby it appeareth that men cannot lawfully give alms out of those goods which they have gotten by theft and rapine, bribery and extortion, simony and usury, dicing and unlawful gaming.” Ibid., 64–65.
- 23. Albert the Great, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 5, quaest., s.c. 2 (p. 92b).
- 24. Ibid., IV, d. 25, a. 5, ad quaest. (p. 94b); Aquinas, ST II‑II, q. 100, a. 3, ad 4.
- 25. C. 1, q. 2, c. 2.
- 26. For indulgences, see Bonaventure, In Sent. IV, d. 20, pars 2, a. un., q. 4, ad 1 (pp. 536–37); for prayers, see Aquinas, ST II‑II, q. 100, a. 3, ad 2.
- 27. Vermigli, Loci Communes, 3.8.37 (p. 612).
- 28. X 5.3.8; X 5.3.9; X 5.3.16; X 5.3.19; X 5.3.21; X 5.3.36; X 5.3.39. John Major likewise addressed this issue at length, Major, In Sent. (red. B), d. 25, q. 4 (foll. 186ra–187rb).
- 29. Council of Tours (1163), can. 6 (Mansi 21:1178D); cf. X 5.3.8.
- 30. “Many think that this is permitted to them, because they consider that long-standing custom has given it the force of law, not sufficiently paying attention—since they are blinded by greed—to the fact that crimes are all the graver for how long they have held the unhappy soul bound. […] If anyone shall presume to act against this, let him know that he will have his portion with Gehazi, whose deed he imitates by exacting a shameful reward.” Third Lateran Council (1179), can. 7 (Mansi 22:221E–222A); cf. X 5.3.9.
- 31. “Gaping after shameful gain and saying in their hearts, ‘There is no God,’ they cloak simony under an honest name, as though by changing the name the guilt and the penalty would be transferred. But God is not mocked, according to the apostle, nor will such followers of Simon—even if they perhaps evade temporal [punishment] in the present—escape eternal punishment in the future, since neither will the respectability of a name cloak the malice of the crime, nor will a word be able to abolish guilt.” Innocent III, Reg. 2.96 (208:4–9); cf. X 5.3.36.
- 32. “Some endeavor to defend this baseness and depravity by a custom long observed. Wishing therefore to abolish so great an abuse, we utterly reject this custom [consuetudinem], which ought rather to be called a corruption [corruptela], firmly decreeing that for these things—whether to be conferred or already conferred—no one presume under any pretext whatsoever to exact or extort anything. Otherwise both the one who receives and the one who gives such a wholly condemned price shall be condemned along with Gehazi and Simon.” Fourth Lateran Council (1215), can. 63 (Mansi 22:1051C); cf. X 5.3.39.
- 33. Fourth Lateran Council (1215), can. 66 (Mansi 22:1054D–E); cf. X 5.3.42.
- 34. Winawer et al., “Russian Blues Reveal Effects”.
- 35. “Among all the little foxes that ruin the vineyards, no little fox is more wicked or more cunning than simony. For, as a certain author [Horace] says, ‘By what knot do I hold Proteus as he changes his aspect?’ so we may say: by what knot shall we hold simony—that most cunning little fox, manifold in face, thousand-shaped in habit, and almost always unlike not only the other little foxes but even unlike itself, to such a degree that, while it ruins the vineyards of Christ, it is sometimes seen in the very guise of the vinedresser?” Gerhoch of Reichersberg, Liber de simoniacis, 268:27–38.
- 36. The tradition ended in 2012.
- 37. See Willis, Simony: In Two Parts, 21–22.
- 38. Joseph Phillimore, as quoted in Phillimore, The Ecclesiastical Law, 1103–4.
- 39. Sinclair, I, Candidate for Governor, 109.
- 40. Begg, Seat Rents, 20.
- 41. The letter was composed around the turn of 1352 and has been attributed to a number of candidates. See Schabel, “Lucifer princeps tenebrarum,” 127–29.
- 42. Ibid., 132, translating the critical Latin at ibid., 171. An English version of the letter is printed among the Lollard writings annexed to the trial of Walter Brute in Foxe, Actes and Monuments, 5.503.