doreancon 2026
Seminary Tuition in the Thirteenth Century
The sale of biblical teaching is simony. This is not true just in Sunday School or personal discipleship, but even in the highest levels of the academy. As I mentioned in the previous message, seminary should be free and seminary tuition is simony.
Naturally, it’s worth asking the question whether those who had a well-developed doctrine of simony agreed with this conclusion. Without giving too much of a spoiler, the answer is, “yes, it does.”
How Did Universities Come About?§
It will be helpful to begin with the origin and rise of the universities. The schools that emerged in the Middle Ages were so diverse that they resist definition.1Verger, “Patterns,” 45. This makes some questions on the topic hard to answer. How many there were there? The answer is anywhere from “dozens” to a handful.2Ibid., 62–65 provides a list. The main ones are Bologna, Paris, Oxford, the English offshoot of Paris. When did they start? The answer is anywhere from the eleventh century to the thirteenth century. These had clearer definitions over time, eventually requiring papal or imperial endorsement to achieve official status.3Cobban, The Medieval Universities, 32.
The curriculum of medieval universities began with the seven liberal arts: the trivium (grammar, logic, and rhetoric) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy). Upon mastering this preparatory foundation, students could advance to one of the three higher faculties: medicine, law (both canon and civil), or theology, “queen of the sciences.”
At Paris that Peter Lombard completed the Sentences (ca. 1155–57),4The Sententiae are variously dated. The range here follows the reconstruction in Rosemann, Peter Lombard, 55. a work consisting principally of categorized pronouncements compiled from church fathers. It was the standard systematic theology textbook of the Middle Ages, and there are approximately 1,400 known commentaries written on it.5Ghellinck, “Review of Stegmüller’s Repertorium,” 888; cf. Stegmüller, Repertorium. It the most frequently analyzed work of Christian literature outside the Bible itself.6Rosemann, The Story of a Great Medieval Book, 14. Because he treated simony, that means many who commented on the Sentences did as well.
Teaching Licenses§
Medieval universities shaped the doctrine of simony not only in providing the academic arena for its formation, but also in supplying an illuminating case study in the economy of religion. At the leading schools, different mechanisms of support yielded correspondingly different institutional forms. The school at Bologna was largely student-run because the masters took their pay directly from the students.7Cobban, The Medieval Universities, 65–66. The commune, the corporation of citizens that governed Bologna, eventually took over the burden by salarying the doctors out of civic funds.8Ibid., 66–67. The school at Paris, by contrast, evolved a magisterial governance because financial leverage centered on inception, that ceremony by which a newly licensed teacher was formally incorporated into the guild of masters.9Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, 1.284–87; cf. Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi,” 266. These primary mechanisms, however, hardly exhausted the financial picture. Any medieval university relied on a variety of sources of revenue.10See Gieysztor, “Management and Resources,” 133–36 for a detailed overview.
The sale of teaching licenses was a primary point of contention. The licentia docendi certified an academic proficiency that permitted one to instruct others in the schools. Though contemporaries did not broadly label the sale of teaching licenses “simony,”11So Astesanus, citing Goffredus and Hostiensis: “I answer that it may not; yet there is no simony there […] rather there is the crime of extortion.” Astesanus of Asti, Summa de casibus, VI, tit. 55, q. 8 (fol. 170r). some have termed it scholastic simony on account of the similarity to simony in ordinations.12Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi,” passim. The shared appeal to Matthew 10:8Matthew 10:8Heal the sick, raise the dead, cleanse the lepers, cast out demons: freely you received, freely give. is also notable.13E.g., “what is acquired by the gift of heavenly grace ought not to be put up for sale, but ought to be made available freely to all, that what is written may be fulfilled: ‘Freely you have received, freely give.’” Alexander III, Ep. JL 12096 (PL 200:840C). Alexander III repeatedly prohibited the sale of teaching licenses, most comprehensively in the Third Lateran Council (1179), canon 18.14Third Lateran Council (1179), can. 18 (Mansi 22:228A–B). Liber extra, 5.5, De magistris—two titles after 5.3, De simonia—would be dedicated to this topic. Alexander had first taken up the cause on March 16 of 1166 or 1167,15Alexander III, Ep. JL 11329 (PL 200:440D); for the date and its identification as Alexander’s first such letter, see Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi,” 258n15. and almost three decades earlier, canon 17 of the Council of Westminster (1138) had condemned the similar practice of a master’s letting out his school for another to teach in.16Council of Westminster (1138), can. 17 (Mansi 21:514A).
Alexander connected the sale of teaching licenses to a broader principle that knowledge itself should not be sold.17E.g., “Suitable and lettered men who wish to teach must be permitted to govern schools without any molestation or exaction whatsoever, lest knowledge should hereafter seem to be set out for a price, that knowledge which ought to be bestowed upon each man freely.” Denifle and Chatelain, eds., Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, pars intro., no. 4; cf. X 5.5.3. His rule made fitness, not payment, the condition of the license. In the aforementioned canon 18 of Third Lateran, Alexander also required that cathedral schools staff a beneficed master in order that he might provide free education to the clergy and the poor.18Third Lateran Council (1179), can. 18 (Mansi 22:228A). The conviction behind this demand was already current and would soon harden into a common dictum: “Knowledge is a gift of God, therefore it cannot be sold” (scientia donum Dei est, unde vendi non potest).19See Post et al., “The Medieval Heritage” for an extensive survey of the tradition. Even in the early twelfth century, Peter Abelard, ashamed to beg, took up teaching again and lived on what his students supplied of their own accord. Abelard, Hist. calam. 26–27. By Alexander’s decree, schools such as the one at Paris—then the cathedral school of Notre-Dame—were, at least ostensibly, free of charge.20Cobban, The Medieval Universities, 81; Verger, “Teachers,” 151.
In the fifth book of the Liber extra, titles three and five contain the bulk of the detail on this topic. As one seventeenth-century treatise summarizes, the Liber extra forbids as simony “masters and preachers to teach for money.”21Ridley, A View of the Civile and Ecclesiasticall Law, 76. A number of commentators who took up these titles addressed requests for voluntary gifts in the context of teaching. A master already provided for by the church could accept a voluntary gift but not request it, especially not of the clergy of his own church or the poor; a master without sufficient support might ask the rich to contribute, and some extended even that allowance to the master already provided for.22E.g., Richard of Middleton, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 3, q. 2 (p. 386b); Hostiensis, Summa aurea, ad X 5.5 (fol. 542v); Astesanus of Asti, Summa de casibus, VI, tit. 55, q. 8 (fol. 169v). For the extension and the gloss as Middleton and Astesanus report it, Paludanus, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 5 (p. 320b). However, even these concessions were not universally accepted.23E.g., William of Saint-Amour, De valido mendicante, 85; 87.
Teaching Itself§
Alexander’s mandate, however well provided for elsewhere, came up against the limits of available resources in Paris. Alexander was forced to make a special exception for the chancellor of Notre-Dame in 1174, and the problem was so persistent that Innocent III was still fighting the issue in 1212 and 1213.24Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1.122–23; cf. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 183. Accordingly, the question fell to the Parisian scholars, who weighed not only which academic fees were morally unbecoming but, more pointedly, which crossed the line into simony. The most pronounced deliberations issued from Peter the Chanter and his circle, culminating in Robert of Courson.25See Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1.124; cf. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 184. Robert, as we have already seen, would go on to serve as the papal legate who gave the University of Paris its first statutes in 1215. While not all of his conclusions made their way into those rules of operation, it is reasonable to suspect that they would have been especially respected on this account.26See Kennedy, “Robert Courson on Penance,” 292.
The Parisians conceded that knowledge itself could not be sold, but contended that the labor of teaching could be. This was further qualified, however, by the subject matter. While the labor of teaching the liberal arts could be sold lawfully, the labor of teaching theology could not, since theology is divine truth, and to sell such a spiritual thing is simony. The same restriction extended to moral philosophy, which they likewise classed as divine truth. In these cases, one who had no income was permitted to receive voluntary donations from his students, but any already beneficed by the church for the sake of instruction committed simony if he accepted any further donation from his students.27See Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1.124–27; cf. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 184. Though scholars of the civil law at Bologna showed little corresponding interest in theology,28Post et al., “The Medieval Heritage,” 207. they reached comparable conclusions for their own discipline.29Ibid., 206, 206n32. They maintained that law was itself a divine science, no less sacred than theology.30Ibid., 209n43.
Canon 11 of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) recorded that Alexander’s decree had been but little observed, and accordingly reiterated and extended it.31Fourth Lateran Council (1215), can. 11 (Mansi 22:999B–C). Even with this renewed insistence, the provision of benefices for free instruction continued to go unenforced well into the thirteenth century and beyond.32Post, “Masters’ Salaries and Student-Fees,” 196–98. The fate of the decree, however, need not detain us. This episode concerns us because it accounts for what appears in the writings on simony of the centuries that followed: echoes of the doctrinal conclusions forged in the premier theological institution at the turn of the thirteenth century.
Perhaps 1215 gives us the most interesting markers to consider. In that year, Robert of Courson promulgated his statutes for Paris, the first regulations to designate the studium a universitas,33Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 211. and the Fourth Lateran Council explicitly sided with Lombard on a trinitarian debate, thereby securing the Sentences as the standard for theological education.34See Rosemann, Peter Lombard, 119.
Teaching§
How far the foregoing proscriptions reach depends on how we interpret the vocabulary of “preaching” and “the word of God.” Taken narrowly, they govern only the formal activity which takes place in a worship service or distinctly evangelistic encounters, but many authors seemed to apply these terms to doctrinal instruction more generally. Regardless, some authors were explicit in their condemnation of the sale of teaching.
According to Geoffrey of Poitiers, the one who teaches theology for a price sells the word of God and falls under the curse of Jeremiah 48:10Jeremiah 48:10Cursed be he who does the work of Jehovah negligently, and cursed be he who keeps back his sword from blood. (“Cursed is he who does the work of the Lord fraudulently”).35“It is asked concerning the master who teaches for pence, whether he incurs this curse [the malediction of Jeremiah 48:10Jeremiah 48:10Cursed be he who does the work of Jehovah negligently, and cursed be he who keeps back his sword from blood., under discussion in the surrounding questions]. We say that he does not, if he does not do it out of avarice or vainglory. But of theologians it is said otherwise, since they are public persons [publice persone], whose lecturing bears witness to the truth. Therefore, since they are teachers of the word of God, it is not lawful for them to teach for a reward, lest they be found sellers of the word of God. […] Whence the Lord in Micah [3:11], recounting other sins, says: ‘Their priests taught for hire.’” Geoffrey of Poitiers, Summa, fol. 39va; cf. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 2.86n69. This was first fully expressed by Robert of Courson in his Summa.36“As to what Solomon says, ‘Do not sell wisdom, doctrine, understanding,’ we say that he is speaking of the understanding, doctrine, and wisdom of spiritual or moral things, which proceed from the Spirit of wisdom, understanding, and knowledge; and these cannot be sold, as we have said before, by right.” Robert of Courson, Summa, 10.3 (fol. 47va); cf. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 2.86n70. There, he contended that not only theology, but all moral philosophy proceeds from the Spirit of wisdom, and therefore constitutes simony just as selling Scripture itself.37“Just as there is simony in the sale of the manna, which signifies sacred Scripture, so by the sale of the little measure of flour carried in their cloaks out of the land of Egypt [Exod. 12:34Exodus 12:34And the people took their dough before it was leavened, their kneading troughs being bound up in their clothes on their shoulders.], which signifies the moral teachings of the philosophers, simony is committed.” Robert of Courson, Summa, 10.4 (fol. 47va); cf. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 2.86–87n71. A century later, Peter Paludanus relayed this as the received opinion, distinguishing between that which comes from man’s spirit and that which comes from the Holy Spirit. Though one cannot sell knowledge itself, one can charge for the act of teaching. However, when it comes to matters of theology—revelation that arises only from the Spirit—one cannot charge.38“But there are other acts for which it is lawful to receive [payment] for labor, such as for teaching and other spiritual things from a created spirit. But for teaching itself, some say that it is not simony, because it is not by relation to the Holy Spirit, but to the human spirit; others say that it is. But regarding theology, it seems to be simony.” Paludanus, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 5 (p. 320b). Peter Auriol explained this distinction:
But if we take a freely given grace [gratia gratis data; i.e., a spiritual gift]—for example preaching, teaching, and the like—either it will be taken with respect to the intrinsic act, and here no sale takes place, for I cannot sell you the habit of my knowledge; or it is taken with respect to the extrinsic act—for example the projection of the voice, the movement of the body, and the like—and thus in such things a sale does indeed fall out and have its place; and in this way teaching, counsel, testimony, and the like are sold, and all of these turn out to be sinful.39Auriol, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. un., a. 2 (p. 166a).
While this prohibition on the sale of doctrinal instruction was only occasionally stated so directly, it is intimated frequently by others who specifically excepted instruction in the liberal arts from those things which must not be sold, for “even the heathen may lawfully teach such arts.”40Aquinas, Quodlibet, VIII, q. 6, a. 1 (p. 175). In each of these cases, the prohibition of merchandising theology, the queen of the sciences, is simply presumed by the explicit permission to engage in commerce with her handmaidens.41E.g., Aquinas, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 3, a. 2, qc. 2, ad 8; Aquinas, Quodlibet, VIII, q. 6, a. 1 (p. 175).
For Wycliffe, not only did proper imitation of Christ require teaching freely,42“The faithful ought to be mindful that it is more blessed to give than to receive, and in imitation of Christ to give freely and generously spiritual teaching.” Wycliffe, De fundacione sectarum, cap. 2 (p. 21). but the sale of teaching was a “nearer and more hateful simony” than the sale of church office.43Ibid., cap. 11 (p. 56). In a vernacular treatise on the seven deadly sins that has been attributed to him, we see this same contention:
But men that should be professors of the science [knowledge] of God sin many ways about this science. As some men hide this treasure and deal it not about; and yet, the more that it is dealt, the more it increases. And this is much more sin than to hide gold. […] And so, with begging, and pride of their speech, they sell God’s word, as one would sell an ox. Nevertheless, Christ teaches that, since his science is freely given to him, it should be freely dealt. And because the telling of God’s law would most profit his Church, the fiend is full busy to hinder this ghostly [spiritual] profit.44Wycliffe, Of the Seven Deadly Sins, cap. 3 (p. 123).
Bibliography§
- Abelard, Peter. Historia calamitatum. In Petri Abaelardi opera hactenus seorsim edita, edited by Victor Cousin, Charles Jourdain, and Eugène Despois, vol. 1, 3–37. Paris: Durand, 1849.
- Alexander III. Epistolae et privilegia. In Patrologia Latina, edited by Jacques-Paul Migne, vol. 200, 69–1320. Paris: J.-P. Migne, 1855.
- Aquinas, Thomas. Quodlibet. Editio tertia Taurinensis. Vol. 5. Turin: Ex Officina Petri Marietti, 1921.
- ———. Scriptum super libros Sententiarum. Vol. 13. Venice: Joseph Bettinelli, 1750.
- Astesanus of Asti. Summa de casibus conscientiae. Edited by Bartolomeo Bellati. Venice: Johannes de Colonia and Johannes Manthen de Gherretzem, 1478.
- Auriol, Peter. Commentarius in libros Sententiarum. Rome: Ex Typographia Aloisij Zannetti, 1605.
- Baldwin, John W. Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1970.
- ———. Paris, 1200. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010.
- Cobban, Alan B. The Medieval Universities: Their Development and Organization. London: Methuen, 1975.
- Council of Westminster (1138). In Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, edited by Giovanni Domenico Mansi, vol. 21, 507–518. Venice: Antonio Zatta, 1776. Legatine council held at Westminster, December 1138; Mansi heads it Concilium Londoniense.
- Denifle, Heinrich, and Émile Chatelain, eds. Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis. Vol. 1. Paris: Delalain, 1889.
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- Geoffrey of Poitiers. Summa. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 3143.
- Ghellinck, Joseph de. “Review of Repertorium commentariorum in Sententias Petri Lombardi.” Revue belge de Philologie et d’Histoire 27, no. 3–4 (1949): 888–892.
- Gieysztor, Aleksander. “Management and Resources.” In A History of the University in Europe, edited by Walter Rüegg and Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, vol. 1: Universities in the Middle Ages, 108–143. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
- Gregory IX. Liber extra. Edited by Emil Friedberg. Vol. 2. Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1881.
- Hostiensis. Summa aurea. Lyon, 1537.
- Kennedy, V. L. “Robert Courson on Penance.” Mediaeval Studies 7 (1945): 291–336.
- Paludanus, Peter. Commentarius in libros Sententiarum. Salamanca: Andreas à Portonariis, 1552.
- Post, Gaines. “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi, and the Rise of the Universities.” In Anniversary Essays in Mediaeval History by Students of Charles Homer Haskins, edited by Charles H. Taylor and John L. La Monte, 255–277. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929.
- ———. “Masters’ Salaries and Student-Fees in the Mediaeval Universities.” Speculum 7, no. 2 (1932): 181–198.
- Post, Gaines, Kimon Giocarinis, and Richard Kay. “The Medieval Heritage of a Humanistic Ideal: ‘Scientia donum Dei est, unde vendi non potest.’” Traditio 11 (1955): 195–234.
- Rashdall, Hastings. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. Edited by F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden. New ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1936.
- Richard of Middleton. Commentarius in libros Sententiarum. Vol. 4. Brescia, 1591.
- Ridley, Thomas. A View of the Civile and Ecclesiasticall Law. London: Printed for the Company of Stationers, 1607.
- Robert of Courson. Summa. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 14524.
- Rosemann, Philipp W. Peter Lombard. Great Medieval Thinkers. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004.
- ———. The Story of a Great Medieval Book: Peter Lombard’s Sentences. Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2007.
- Stegmüller, Friedrich. Repertorium Commentariorum in Sententias Petri Lombardi. Würzburg: Schöningh, 1947.
- Third Lateran Council (1179). In Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, edited by Giovanni Domenico Mansi, vol. 22, 210–467. Venice: Antonio Zatta, 1778.
- Verger, Jacques. “Patterns.” In A History of the University in Europe, edited by Walter Rüegg and Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, vol. 1: Universities in the Middle Ages, 35–76. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
- ———. “Teachers.” In A History of the University in Europe, edited by Walter Rüegg and Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, vol. 1: Universities in the Middle Ages, 144–170. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
- William of Saint-Amour. De valido mendicante. In Magistri Guillielmi de Sancto Amore opera omnia, 80–87. Constance [Paris], 1632. Composed 1255.
- Wycliffe, John. De fundacione sectarum. In Polemical Works in Latin, edited by Rudolf Buddensieg, Wyclif Society, vol. 1, 1–80. London: Trübner & Co., 1883.
- ———. Of the Seven Deadly Sins. In Select English Works of John Wyclif, edited by Thomas Arnold, vol. 3, 119–167. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1871.
Notes
- 1. Verger, “Patterns,” 45.
- 2. Ibid., 62–65 provides a list.
- 3. Cobban, The Medieval Universities, 32.
- 4. The Sententiae are variously dated. The range here follows the reconstruction in Rosemann, Peter Lombard, 55.
- 5. Ghellinck, “Review of Stegmüller’s Repertorium,” 888; cf. Stegmüller, Repertorium.
- 6. Rosemann, The Story of a Great Medieval Book, 14.
- 7. Cobban, The Medieval Universities, 65–66.
- 8. Ibid., 66–67.
- 9. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, 1.284–87; cf. Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi,” 266.
- 10. See Gieysztor, “Management and Resources,” 133–36 for a detailed overview.
- 11. So Astesanus, citing Goffredus and Hostiensis: “I answer that it may not; yet there is no simony there […] rather there is the crime of extortion.” Astesanus of Asti, Summa de casibus, VI, tit. 55, q. 8 (fol. 170r).
- 12. Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi,” passim.
- 13. E.g., “what is acquired by the gift of heavenly grace ought not to be put up for sale, but ought to be made available freely to all, that what is written may be fulfilled: ‘Freely you have received, freely give.’” Alexander III, Ep. JL 12096 (PL 200:840C).
- 14. Third Lateran Council (1179), can. 18 (Mansi 22:228A–B).
- 15. Alexander III, Ep. JL 11329 (PL 200:440D); for the date and its identification as Alexander’s first such letter, see Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia Docendi,” 258n15.
- 16. Council of Westminster (1138), can. 17 (Mansi 21:514A).
- 17. E.g., “Suitable and lettered men who wish to teach must be permitted to govern schools without any molestation or exaction whatsoever, lest knowledge should hereafter seem to be set out for a price, that knowledge which ought to be bestowed upon each man freely.” Denifle and Chatelain, eds., Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, pars intro., no. 4; cf. X 5.5.3.
- 18. Third Lateran Council (1179), can. 18 (Mansi 22:228A).
- 19. See Post et al., “The Medieval Heritage” for an extensive survey of the tradition. Even in the early twelfth century, Peter Abelard, ashamed to beg, took up teaching again and lived on what his students supplied of their own accord. Abelard, Hist. calam. 26–27.
- 20. Cobban, The Medieval Universities, 81; Verger, “Teachers,” 151.
- 21. Ridley, A View of the Civile and Ecclesiasticall Law, 76.
- 22. E.g., Richard of Middleton, In Sent. IV, d. 25, a. 3, q. 2 (p. 386b); Hostiensis, Summa aurea, ad X 5.5 (fol. 542v); Astesanus of Asti, Summa de casibus, VI, tit. 55, q. 8 (fol. 169v). For the extension and the gloss as Middleton and Astesanus report it, Paludanus, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 5 (p. 320b).
- 23. E.g., William of Saint-Amour, De valido mendicante, 85; 87.
- 24. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1.122–23; cf. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 183.
- 25. See Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1.124; cf. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 184.
- 26. See Kennedy, “Robert Courson on Penance,” 292.
- 27. See Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1.124–27; cf. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 184.
- 28. Post et al., “The Medieval Heritage,” 207.
- 29. Ibid., 206, 206n32.
- 30. Ibid., 209n43.
- 31. Fourth Lateran Council (1215), can. 11 (Mansi 22:999B–C).
- 32. Post, “Masters’ Salaries and Student-Fees,” 196–98.
- 33. Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 211.
- 34. See Rosemann, Peter Lombard, 119.
- 35. “It is asked concerning the master who teaches for pence, whether he incurs this curse [the malediction of Jeremiah 48:10Jeremiah 48:10Cursed be he who does the work of Jehovah negligently, and cursed be he who keeps back his sword from blood., under discussion in the surrounding questions]. We say that he does not, if he does not do it out of avarice or vainglory. But of theologians it is said otherwise, since they are public persons [publice persone], whose lecturing bears witness to the truth. Therefore, since they are teachers of the word of God, it is not lawful for them to teach for a reward, lest they be found sellers of the word of God. […] Whence the Lord in Micah [3:11], recounting other sins, says: ‘Their priests taught for hire.’” Geoffrey of Poitiers, Summa, fol. 39va; cf. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 2.86n69.
- 36. “As to what Solomon says, ‘Do not sell wisdom, doctrine, understanding,’ we say that he is speaking of the understanding, doctrine, and wisdom of spiritual or moral things, which proceed from the Spirit of wisdom, understanding, and knowledge; and these cannot be sold, as we have said before, by right.” Robert of Courson, Summa, 10.3 (fol. 47va); cf. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 2.86n70.
- 37. “Just as there is simony in the sale of the manna, which signifies sacred Scripture, so by the sale of the little measure of flour carried in their cloaks out of the land of Egypt [Exod. 12:34Exodus 12:34And the people took their dough before it was leavened, their kneading troughs being bound up in their clothes on their shoulders.], which signifies the moral teachings of the philosophers, simony is committed.” Robert of Courson, Summa, 10.4 (fol. 47va); cf. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 2.86–87n71.
- 38. “But there are other acts for which it is lawful to receive [payment] for labor, such as for teaching and other spiritual things from a created spirit. But for teaching itself, some say that it is not simony, because it is not by relation to the Holy Spirit, but to the human spirit; others say that it is. But regarding theology, it seems to be simony.” Paludanus, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 5 (p. 320b).
- 39. Auriol, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. un., a. 2 (p. 166a).
- 40. Aquinas, Quodlibet, VIII, q. 6, a. 1 (p. 175).
- 41. E.g., Aquinas, In Sent. IV, d. 25, q. 3, a. 2, qc. 2, ad 8; Aquinas, Quodlibet, VIII, q. 6, a. 1 (p. 175).
- 42. “The faithful ought to be mindful that it is more blessed to give than to receive, and in imitation of Christ to give freely and generously spiritual teaching.” Wycliffe, De fundacione sectarum, cap. 2 (p. 21).
- 43. Ibid., cap. 11 (p. 56).
- 44. Wycliffe, Of the Seven Deadly Sins, cap. 3 (p. 123).